Lot 1393

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(1837 - 1908) 22nd and 24th President of the United States, supported civil service and fiscal reform. Lengthy, fine content manuscript L.S., 14pp. legal folio, Washington, D.C., Dec. 17, 1895, to the United States Congress. Cleveland forwards communications from the British government regarding the border controversy between its colony of British Guiana and Venezuela, which the U.S. considers a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and in doing so offers a strong defense of that policy. In small part: "...It will be seen that one of these communications is devoted exclusively to observations upon the Monroe doctrine, and claims that in the present instance a new and strange extension and development of this doctrine is insisted on by the United States, that the reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are generally inapplicable 'to the state of things in which we live at the present day', and especially inapplicable to a controversy involving the boundary line between Great Britain and Venezuela. Without attempting extended argument in reply to these positions it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine upon which we stand is strong and sound because its enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our national life and cannot become obsolete while our Republic endures... If a European Power, by an extension of its boundaries, takes possession of the territory of one of our neighboring Republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why, to that extent, such European Power does not thereby attempt to extend its system of government to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action which President Monroe declared to be 'dangerous to our peace and safety', and it can make no difference whether the European system is extended by an advance of frontier or otherwise..." The letter goes on to explain the further British objection that the Monroe Doctrine is not grounded in international law "...founded on the general consent of nations..." Cleveland replies: "...Practically the principle for which we contend has peculiar if not exclusive relation to the United States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the code of international law, but since in international counsels every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may justly claim it has its place in the code of international law as certainly and as securely as if it were specifically mentioned... The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those principles of international law which are based upon the theory that every nation shall have its rights protected and its just claims enforced..." Cleveland then explains that the United States has extended an offer to settle the dispute between the two nations, which the British government has declined, an continues: "...It is deeply disappointing that such an appeal actuated by the most friendly feelings towards both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of the world and touching its relations to one comparatively weak and small, should have procured no better results... Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great Britain to submit this dispute to arbitration, and having been now finally apprized of her refusal to do so, nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognize its plain requirements and deal with it accordingly. Great Britain's present proposition has never thus far been regarded as admissable by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may enter into of her own free will cannot of course be objected to by the United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude of Venezuela will remain unchanged the dispute has reached such a stage as to make it now incumbent upon the United States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty for its justification what is the true divisional line between the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to that end should of course be conducted carefully and judicially, and due weight should be given to all available evidence, records and facts in support of the claims of both parties..." Cleveland recommends that Congress make appropriations to fund a committee to investigate the matter at once. He concludes: "...I am nevertheless firm in my conviction that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate the two great English speaking peoples of the world as being otherwise than friendly competitors in the onward march of civilization and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can invite which equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and injustice and the consequent loss of national self respect and honor beneath which is shielded and defended a peoples' safety and greatness." He signs at the conclusion in black ink. Shows original folds and pinholes at top left. else very good. Britain and Venezuala would eventually agree to participate in arbitration proceedings, which eventually awarded British Guiana nearly 90% of the disputed border territories.

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November 21, 2019 10:00 AM EST
Chesapeake City, MD, US

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